Consolidate International Opinion Against Lanka!

Never before in the history of Lankan Tamils, there was such a rise of international opinion as of now against the Sinhala regime of Sri Lanka in its handling of ethnic Tamil minorities in that country. As DMK President and TESO Chairman Kalaignar M.Karunanidhi has said the developments
in the United Nations Human Rights Council’s (UNHRC) Universal Periodic Review  (UPR) session held on November1 in Geneva, in the background of DMK Treasurer Thalapathi M.K.Stalin and Parliamentary Party leader Thiru T.R.Baalu presenting the petition of him based on TESO resolutions, have brightened our hopes, the present context is very crucial for finding immediate relief for the sufferings of Eelam Tamils and a permanent political solution for their problems.
All along the Sri Lankan regime had been successfully thwarting international interference against its genocidal mission under the alibi of fighting against terrorism. Even international forums such as UNO, UNHRC, Amnesty International etc., were hesitant to exert pressure on the regime. Only during the last phase of the civil war and unmindful aerial bombing of civilian areas including hospitals in 2009, the Lankan regime was cautioned against its blind offensives. But after the end of war in May, 2009, with heart rending visuals of the wounded men, women and children, war-ravaged houses, blind-folded men shot down by Lankan armed forces etc., the conscience of the world was stirred up and many nations started  voicing concern for the hapless people affected by war, and questioning the human rights record of the regime, conditions of internally displaced persons (IDPs), their resettlement and rehabilitation.
All these culminated in the UNHRC adopting a resolution in March this year against Sri Lanka for its human rights abuses and violation of international law during the final phase of war in 2009. The council’s UPR Working Group began its fourteenth session in Geneva to review the country’s progress (or regress). The working group consisted of a group of 47 countries headed by a ‘troika’. By default, India was a part of the troika, along with Benin and Spain,
For Sri Lanka, it was another battle against the international community’s crusade for human rights. A large group of experts and diplomats were sent to present their progress report before the working group. Sinhalese political parties in Sri Lanka stand united in support of the Rajapaksa regime and even pitched for abolition of the 13th amendment to their Constitution which authorizes the devolution of powers to provinces- considered as the political solution for ethnic Tamils. 
The UNHRC resolution passed in March,2012 against Sri Lanka made two ‘earnest appeals’ to Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) to implement the constructive recommendations proposed by their own Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation (LLRC) including:
 “the need to credibly investigate widespread allegations of extra-judicial killings and enforced disappearances, demilitarize the north of Sri Lanka, implement impartial land dispute resolution mechanisms, re-evaluate detention policies, strengthen formerly independent civil institutions, reach a political settlement on the devolution of power to the provinces, promote and protect the right of freedom of expression for all and enact rule of law reforms”; and “requests to the GoSL to present, as expeditiously as possible, a comprehensive action plan detailing the steps that the government has taken and will take to implement the recommendations made in the Commission’s report, and also to address alleged violations of international law”.
On ground, the Rajapaksa regime has taken no steps to implement any of these recommendations. The Defence Secretary has even refuted the likelihood of demilitarization of northern Sri Lanka. The ruling coalition parties have recently urged the President to moot a resolution in the Parliament to scrap the 13th amendment. Media freedom is highly restricted and suppressed. Death threats to editors, police raids on websites, abductions and intimidations still exist. Instead of making concrete efforts to rebuild and reconcile with Tamils, the government has built a ‘victory memorial’ in war-ravaged area in northern Lanka where thousands of Tamils shed their blood in valiant battle. Traces of Tamil history and culture have been vandalized. Overall, this gives a strong impression that not only reconciliatory work is not in progress at all but also in regress.
Western countries kept up pressure on Sri Lanka at the UPR session of the UNHRC  on Nov 1 to prosecute killings of civilians and other crimes committed in its 30-year civil war and to investigate continuing grave violations.
Britain and the United States said that accountability must be established for serious breaches in the conflict that ended in 2009 and they voiced concern at the latest attacks on journalists, activists and lawyers.
U.S. ambassador Eileen Chamberlain Donahoe said Sri Lanka must “end impunity for human rights violations and fulfill legal obligations regarding accountability by initiating independent and transparent investigations...into alleged violations of international law and hold those found culpable to account”.
“Former conflict zones remain militarized and the military continues to encroach upon daily civilian and economic affairs,” she said, while torture, extra-judicial killings, disappearances, and threats to freedom of expression persist.
British ambassador Karen Pearce said there should be no impunity for attacks on journalists, rights defenders and lawyers “nor reprisals against any individual including for cooperating with U.N. mechanisms”.
International investigators, whose findings have been rejected by the Sri Lankan authorities, have said the army committed large-scale abuses and was responsible for many civilian deaths in the final stages of the war against Tamil Tiger rebels.
A Geneva-based body that monitors legal matters, the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ), said earlier on Thursday that Sri Lanka’s government had made it all but impossible for victims of rights abuses to get justice.
President Rajapaksa’s ruling party moved a motion in parliament on Nov1 to impeach the chief justice for violating the constitution, signaling a deepening rift between the government and the judiciary.
Sri Lankan Parliament has begun the process to impeach Chief Justice Shirani Bandaranayake.
Last month, Ms. Bandaranayeke locked horns with the Legislature and the Executive over a Bill that sought to take away some of the powers vested in the Provinces. The Bill places powers to spend about LKR 80 billion on development on a single Ministry controlled by Basil Rajapaksa, a brother of President Mahinda Rajapaksa.
The Tamil National Alliance challenged the Bill, and the Chief Justice held that the Bill had to be approved by all nine Provincial Councils. This created problems for the government as the Northern Province does not have an elected council. The Northern Province Governor gave his consent to the Bill, which was challenged in court. Supreme Court ruled that certain provisions of the proposed Bill required a two-thirds majority to be passed in Parliament.
Political opponents believe that the stand-off over the draft legislation is the reason behind the impeachment move. Democratic People’s Front leader Mano Ganesan tweeted: “Rajapaksa’s cat is out. Regime is impeaching CJ, for ruling against Divineguma bill which is eating up the power share concept…World is calling Rajapaksa to share power. Instead of sharing, he is taking back what is already shared by law.” Ms. Bandaranayeke, an academic who became a Supreme Court judge with no experience either on the bench or at the bar, was hand-picked to be the first woman Chief Justice in May last year. Though many crucial verdicts went in favour of the government under her watch, her ties with the President nosedived in the last few months: a judicial officer issued a press statement complaining of interference, and the government held that she had over-stepped her authority.
The arrogance exhibited by the Mahinda Rajapaksa government in presenting an impeachment motion against Chief Justice Dr. Shirani Bandaranayake on the day Sri Lanka was being reviewed at the UN Human Rights Council’s (UNHRC) Universal Periodic Review (UPR) on human rights is likely to have adverse repercussions in months to follow.
The impeachment motion came last week after statements were made by members of the government on abolishing the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, which deals with devolving power to the provinces. Talks of abolishing the 13th Amendment to the Constitution were in clear violation of the commitments undertaken by the Sri Lankan government at the last UPR in 2008. The government had made a voluntary commitment to effectively implement the 13th and 17th Amendments.
In moving towards abolishing the 13th Amendment, the Rajapaksa government would have had to first overcome the obstacle posed by India, the architect of that piece of legislation. Realizing India’s role during the UPR as a member of the troika that would be reviewing Sri Lanka, the Rajapaksa government decided to go slow on the whole idea of abolishing the 13th Amendment.
However, the government managed to outdo the whole abolition of the 13th Amendment drama by starting work on impeaching the Chief Justice. After weeks of speculation, it was on September 30th that the government put in motion the move to impeach the Chief Justice. The decision to sign the motion was made at a party leaders’ meeting of the governing party.
Although questions may rise on the timing of the impeachment motion, it is evident that the Rajapaksa government has now given priority to issues closer to home rather than those that would be raised in Geneva. The government’s immediate priority is to ensure its functioning without any hindrance from an opposition, legislature and now the judiciary.
Impeaching the Chief Justice would ensure judgments in favor of the governing party in cases that are already before the Supreme Court. In the event of objections from the international community, the Rajapaksa government could always pull out the “patriotic” stance and “harassment” by the international community.
Be that as it may, the Rajapaksa government will have to stand by its actions and respond before many international fora, which commenced from last week’s UPR in Geneva. While Sri Lanka’s report for this year’s UPR was presented to the Council by India, Spain and Benin, on Nov.5  and adopted the same day, it would be taken up at the next session in March 2013 along with the review of the US backed Resolution on Sri Lanka this year. It could very well be the Ides of March for the Rajapaksa government during the 22nd session of the UNHRC in Geneva next year.
The US, which sponsored a Resolution on Sri Lanka at the 19th session of the UNHRC in March this year, made a firm statement at Sri Lanka’s UPR. US Ambassador Eileen Chamberlain Donahoe while commending certain steps taken by the government expressed serious concerns over the continued violation of human rights taking place in Sri Lanka. Donahoe also referred to the move to impeach the Chief Justice and said, “Especially in light of today’s news of the efforts to impeach the Chief Justice, strengthen judicial independence by ending government interference with the judicial process, protecting members of the judiciary from attacks, and restoring a fair, independent, and transparent mechanism to oversee judicial appointments”.
The US focus on Sri Lanka’s judiciary became more evident with the statement made by the US State Department on Nov.2. US State Department Spokesperson Victoria Nuland has said that the US also noted with concern recent threats to Sri Lankan judicial officials, including the assault last month on a judge who had publicly criticized government pressure on members of the judiciary.
“We urge the Government of Sri Lanka to avoid any action that would impede the efficacy and independence of Sri Lanka’s judiciary. The United States along with our partners in the international community continues to urge Sri Lanka to address outstanding issues of the Rule of Law, democratic governance, accountability and reconciliation,” Nuland said.
The statements made by Donahoe and Nuland last week were warning signs to the Rajapaksa government that the focus of the international community was once again on Sri Lanka. The US that has remained somewhat silent in relation to Sri Lanka since last March, made a firm statement during Sri Lanka’s UPR. Donahoe’s statement: “We note steps taken by the government of Sri Lanka to resettle IDPs, foster economic growth, improve infrastructure, and develop a National Action Plan for implementing a number of recommendations of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC)”.
However, the US stated that it remained concerned by the consolidation of executive power, including the passage of the 18th Amendment, and that no agreement has been reached on political devolution.
“Former conflict zones remain militarized, and the military continues to encroach upon daily civilian and economic affairs. The Ministry of Defense has controlled the NGO Secretariat since 2010,” Donahoe noted. However, the most serious comment by the US was to say that serious human rights violations continue, including disappearances, torture, extra-judicial killings, and threats to freedom of expression.
“Opposition figures have been harassed, detained, and prosecuted.  There have been no credible investigations or prosecutions for attacks on journalists and media outlets.  In the past 30 days, a judge who questioned executive interference in the judiciary was severely beaten in broad daylight by multiple assailants and derogatory posters appeared in\ Colombo threatening the director of an NGO challenging a government bill that would weaken provincial councils. No arrests have been made,” Donahoe stated.
The US made several recommendations that include the implementation of the constructive recommendations of the LLRC, including the removal of the military from civilian functions; creation of mechanisms to address cases of the missing and detained; issuance of death certificates; land reform; devolution of power; and disarming paramilitaries. The US also observed: “Transfer NGO oversight to a civilian institution and protect freedom of expression and space for civil society to operate, by inter alia investigating and prosecuting attacks on media personnel and human rights defenders. End impunity for human rights violations and fulfill legal obligations regarding accountability by initiating independent and transparent investigations, which meet international best practices, into alleged violations of international law and hold those found culpable to account”.
Concerns raised by India at the UPR were of more concern to the Rajapaksa government. The fact that India has been closely monitoring developments in Sri Lanka has made the Rajapaksa government cautious in responding to the issues raised by the Indians.
India, in its brief statement after commending the government’s resettlement and related efforts dedicated more of its statement to the concerns it had over Sri Lanka. New Delhi has once again firmly stated its stance on the 13th Amendment to the Constitution.
India last week called on Sri Lanka to honor its commitment made to the international community at the last UPR in 2008 where it was said that the 13th Amendment would be implemented and built upon to create a meaningful devolution package.
“We recall the commitments made by Sri Lanka to the international community during the UPR 2008 and on subsequent occasions for the implementation of the 13th Amendment and building on it so as to build a meaningful devolution package. We urge expeditious action to take forward the political process for an early political solution,” the Indian statement said.
India also noted, “We have noted the announcement by the Sri Lankan government on holding Provincial Council elections to the Northern Province in 2013. We urge that the people of the Province should be able to exercise their democratic rights as guaranteed to them by the Sri Lankan Constitution as early as feasible.
“We look forward to the effective and timely implementation of the constructive recommendations contained in the LLRC report. These include those pertaining to early progress towards reconciliation, promotion of a trilingual policy, reduction of high security zones, return of private land by the military and phasing out of the involvement of the security forces in civilian activities in the Northern Province. We have noted the Action Plan proposed by the Sri Lankan government for time bound implementation of these recommendations. We believe that early and visible progress in this regard will foster genuine reconciliation. We call for credible investigations to be conducted in respect of allegations of Human Rights violations and incidents involving loss of civilian life brought out in the LLRC report.”
Sri Lanka’s promises on human rights should no longer be accepted by the international community, Amnesty International said in London on Nov.1.
The statement came in the wake of UN Universal Periodic Review (UPR) on Nov.1, which highlighted Colombo’s, “continued denial of the human rights crisis in the country and the need for independent investigations into new alleged human rights violations and past war crimes.”
Amnesty said the UN examines the human rights situation in each member state every four and a half years, and Sri Lanka has yet to follow up on important commitments made during its first UPR in 2008, when the government was engaged in armed conflict with the Tamil Tigers (LTTE).
“Sri Lanka has been making empty promises about human rights for decades. This was made clear by a number of countries which questioned Sri Lanka’s lack of progress in ending human rights violations during the review,” said Yolanda Foster, Amnesty International’s expert on Sri Lanka.
“Three years after the end of the civil war, the government continues to stifle dissent through threats and harassment, and has failed to take steps to end enforced disappearances and extra judicial executions,” Foster added
Human rights defenders have told Amnesty International about a climate of fear in Sri Lanka in which the state does nothing to protect them from threats.
Following a UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) resolution in March 2012 calling on Sri Lanka to address violations of international law during the civil war, government officials and state-run media lashed out at human rights activists.
They were called “traitors” and threatened with physical harm by the Public Relations Minister, prompting the UN to denounce the threats and call for an investigation.
The Rajapaksa regime of Sri Lanka can afford to ignore its growing isolation and condemnation against it in  the international arena only at its peril.
In the present context of successfully mobilizing international opinion on the plight of Eelam Tamils and world forums like the UNO and UNHRC seized of contemplating action to get the Lankan regime commit itself to find solution for ending the sufferings of them and accord them rightful living with equal rights, justice and dignity, Tamils in Tamil Nadu and Tamil diaspora have a responsible duty cast upon them to be more united than ever before. This is not a time when their political and social organizations to dwell on past bickering whatsoever and play one-up manship. Kalaignar, the seasoned statesman, showed the way when he reacted to the observation of Prof.Suba.Veerapandian regretting that those who claim to be fighting for Eelam Tamils were more vociferous against the DMK and Kalaignar than the enemies of Tamils. Kalaignar said he was not perturbed over their attacks because those who attacked him now had hailed him in the past and they would again praise him tomorrow. Similarly, the Lankan Tamil diaspora, who are settled in many countries of the world in better conditions than their brothers, sisters and children hard pressed for existence even now in the island nation, should think and act according to the perspective and needs of these hapless people than their (dispora’s) own perspective.
Let us all, Tamils in Tamil Nadu and Tamil diaspora all over the world, work together for the consolidation of the unprecedented international opinion against the Sinhala regime led by Rajapaksa in Sri Lanka in favour of the Eelam Tamils to find a political solution for their decades-old problems. If we fail to utilize this golden opportunity due to any internal bickering and fritter it away, the posterity will not willingly forgive us!   Let us look forward with renewed     confidence and not dissipate our energy by dwelving too much on bygones.       r

'Political solution is in a Referendum under UN’

Briefly recalling the history of the struggle of Eelam Tamils for equality, dignity and self-respect in their homeland in Sri Lanka and the betrayals of promises by the Sinhala regime, DMK Treasurer Thalapathi M.K.Stalin reiterated the stand of the Party that a political solution for the problems of Eelam Tamils is only in referendum under the supervision of the United Nations Organisation (UNO) among Tamils in Northern and Eastern provinces of Sri Lanka and Tamil diaspora.

Stalin was addressing World Tamils Multinational Tamil Conference under the aegis of All Party Parliamentary Group for Tamils (APPGT), a forum of British Parliamentarians and the British Tamils Forum (BTF) on November 7 in London. The three-day meeting to discuss human rights violations by Lankan regime a galaxy of Parliamentarians, representatives of political parties and forums of Tamils from all over the world. 
The DMK was invited to the conference by Hazel Weinberg, Secretary, APPGT, which includes 20 British MPs drawn from all the three parties and the BTF.
The text of Thiru Stalin’s speech is hereunder.
Respected Chairman!
Esteemed Members of Britain Parliament, Councillors and Ministers!
Representatives of Diaspora Tamils! and Friends!
Greetings to every one of You.
To Start with, I express my deep gratitude to the Organisers, of this Conference, for the kind invitation extended to the D.M.K.
We feel duty-bound to participate in this Conference, being held in support of Eezham Tamils.  We have been deputed by Dr. Kalaignar M. Karunanidhi, President of D.M.K. D.M.K; a Regional Political Party of Tamil Nadu in India, has been raising its voice for the Cause of Eezham Tamils, for the last Fifty years.  We organised Conferences and Conclaves, Demonstrations and Public Meetings, Rally’s and Human Chains, Fasting and Striking Work, to focus public attention on the problems of Eezham Tamils.
Infact, our Leader Kalaignar M. Karunanidhi formed an organisation called “Tamil Eezham Supporters’ Organisation (TESO), in 1985.  The First Eezham War was going on then.  The “TESO” was gradually converted into a mass movement to attract the attention of the Indian Nation.
After the close of the Fourth Eezham War, Our Leader Kalaignar M. Karunanidhi, revived the “TESO” recently, to mobilise support nationally and internationally for the post-war problems of Eezham Tamils.
On 12.8.2012, a big public Conference was conducted by the “TESO” in Chennai.  Representatives from various Countries participated in the Conference.  Fourteen resolutions were unanimously passed, covering all aspects of the plight and problems of Eezham Tamils.
We prepared a Memorandum based on the resolutions and presented it to the United Nations Organisation on 1-11-2012 and to the United Nations Human Rights Commission on 6-11-2012, urging them to take action on the Human Rights violations and War-Crimes, Committed by the Sri Lankan Government.
The Conference, being held here today, is very timely. This will be helpful to draw the attention of the Nations of the World, to the problems of Eezham Tamils. We, therefore, Congratulate the Organisers of this Conference for their high aim and right target.
This History of Tamils in Sri Lanka is thousands of years old.  Tamils are a National Race of SriLanka.  They have a very ancient Language and a distinct culture.  SriLanka is a declared democracy. Democracy does not differentiate between Majority and Minority.  It does not confer more rights on the Majority and less rights or no rights on the Minority.
Tamils are a minority in Sri Lanka.  Their aspiration is very simple.  They want Equality, Dignity and Self-respect.
When Sinhalese Majority started suppressing the Tamils;  When they decided to establish their own religious State;  When they adopted ‘Sinhala only’  policy;  and when they refused any of the democratic rights, employment opportunities and decent living to the Tamils;  the Tamils revolted.
Between 1983 and 2009, there were four Eezham Wars in the Island-Nation.  We have not seen anywhere in the History that the State engaged in a genocide of its own Citizens.  Such tragedy took place in Sri Lanka.  One Lakh and 25 Thousand Tamils fled from their homeland.  3 Lakh Tamils were internally displaced.  16 Thousand Tamils were reported missing.  90 Thousand Tamil-women were rendered widows.  Lakhs of Tamils were killed.  The entire world was a witness to the large-scale Human Rights violations and War-Crimes.
What the surviving Tamils demand is Fair play and Justice.  They are awaiting an answer from the World-Community.  They want a logical conclusion of all their sacrifices and sufferings.
Nations have already started advocating a political solution. The Secretary-General of the U.N.O. has been calling for a political solution to the SriLankan situation.
Based on the past experience and precedents, We are of the view that a political solution is in a referendum, which should be conducted under the U.N. Supervision among the Tamils in the Northern and Eastern provinces of Sri Lanka and Diaspora  Tamils.
With this I conclude my brief speech.  I once again, thank the Organisers for this opportunity to explain our stand in regard to Eezham Tamils, in an international forum. Thanking you!

Kalaignar outlines reasons for demanding Referendum in the petition submitted to UNO

DMK President and TESO Chairman Kalaignar M.Karunanidhi has outlined the reasons for demanding a Referendum under the supervision of the UNO among Eelam Tamils in Northern and Eastern provinces of Sri Lanka and the Tamils diaspora, in the petition signed by him and submitted by DMK Treasurer Thalapathi M.K.Stalin and DMK Parliamentary Party leaderThiru T.R.Baalu to the Deputy Secretary General of the UNO Jan Ellison in New York on Nov.1.
The memorandum submitted to the Secretary General, UNO on the sufferings of Tamils in Sri Lanka  and  the need for a political solution contains a brief narrative of the attacks on Eelam Tamils and the steps taken by the DMK in their cause from 1956 upto the TESO conference in August this year which is the same as in the memorandum presented to UNHRC.

This historical discrimination has been instrumental in fuelling the situation and creating an anarchical condition in higher education. The Sinhalese Government has introduced a biased evaluation system which discriminates against Tamil students in schools, colleges and university.
 Three years have passed since the end of the civil war in Sri Lanka and no action has been taken on the crucial commitments made by Sri Lanka’s President Mahinda Rajapaksa to Your Excellency UN Secretary-General on 23rd May 2009 for “addressing the aspirations and grievances of all communities and working towards a lasting political solution”.
According to the 1987 Indo- Sri Lankan Accord signed by the Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and the Sri Lankan President Jayawardene, it is accepted that “the Northern and Eastern provinces have been areas of historical habitation of the Sri Lankan Tamil speaking people, who have at all times hitherto lived in this territory”. The proposed 13th Amendment of Sri Lankan Constitution envisaged by 1987 Indo-Lanka Accord calls for the integration of the Northern and Eastern Provinces; devolution of land powers and police powers to the Provinces.
However, the 25 year-old Indo-Sri Lanka Accord has not been honoured by subsequent Sri Lankan Governments. Even as recently as 2009, President Rajapaksa had declared that he was unable to hold elections in the Northern Province due to lack of census data, however there were no qualms in conducting national level elections in 2010. This history of broken unkept promises by the Sri Lankan Government is a cause of utmost concern.
Article-1 of the UN International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights states:
“All people have the right of self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development”.
Such a right of self-determination was given to Southern Sudanese people by the UN. The two decades-old civil war between the Government of Sudan and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement from 1983 to 2005 resulted in over two million deaths and four million displaced. The UN-negotiated Comprehensive Peace Agreement, which was part of the ceasefire agreement signed in 2005, included a referendum for Southern Sudanese people. The various agencies of the UN were instrumental in the successful conduct of the referendum held on 9th January 2011. The Southern Sudanese people overwhelmingly voted with 98.83% in favour of a sovereign, independent Republic of South Sudan.
Similar referenda on self-determination have been conducted in several other nations. If peace and tranquility is to be restored in the war-affected Tamil areas, the UN must intervene and hold an impartial referendum in the Northern and Eastern Provinces as well as diaspora Tamils and enable the Sri Lankan Tamils to decide their political future.
With no movement towards a mutually acceptable political solution and with swift government-sponsored demographic manipulations aimed at eliminating Tamils from their homeland, it is time to take action to protect the life and rights of Tamils in Sri Lanka. Therefore, I request Your Excellency, Secretary General of United Nations be pleased to consider this memorandum and do the needful in this regard.
Please hold referendum under UN supervision for self-determination of the Eelam Tamils residing in Northern and Eastern Provinces of Sri Lanka including diaspora of  Sri Lankan Tamils.
      Sd.....
            (Dr. M. Karunanidhi)
President, DMK party and TESO
Chennai
27.10.2012

UNHRC team to visit Lanka next year

A delegation of United Nation Human Rights Council headed by its chief Navaneetham Pillay will visit Sri Lanka in January next year to assess the action taken on the UN resolution to probe the war crimes committed. Ms Navaneetham Pillay told DMK Treasurer Thalapathi M.K. Stalin and MP DMK Parliamentary Party leader Thiru T.R. Baalu about her visit to Sri Lanka.
They met her in Geneva on Nov.6 to hand over the petition of demands of Kalaignar based on the resolutions adopted at Tamil Eelam Supporter’s Organisation conference (TESO)
In the 35-minute meeting, Thiru Stalin explained the plight of Lankan Tamils to her and handed over a petition signed by party President Kalaignar.

He sought her intervention to withdraw Lankan armed force deployed in the Tamil areas and resettlement of displaced Tamils.
Thiru Stalin accompanied by Thiru T.R. Baalu had submitted the resolutions to United Nations Deputy General Secretary Mr. Jan Eliasson on Nov.1 and interacted with him for about 30 minutes.
The memorandum signed by DMK President and TESO Chairman Kalaignar M.Karunanidhi to the UNHRC stated:
Her Excellency,
On behalf of Dr. Kalaignar M. Karunanidhi, President of the D.M.K., and the “TESO” (Tamil Eelam Supporters’ Organisation), we are meeting you today to submit this Memorandum, concerning the problems of Eelam Tamils.
DMK is a Political Party, recognized by the Election Commission of India. D.M.K. was started  in 1949 and as such it is now 63 years old. The party has been working on the principles of Social Justice, Social Reforms, Empowerment of Women, Advancement of Backward, Poor and Down-trodden. DMK was in power in the State of Tamil Nadu for 21 years. Though a regional party, it has been playing a key-role in the Indian national politics for well over a period of 20 years and in fact it has been a partner in the Indian Union Cabinet for nearly 17 years.
Dr. Kalaignar M. Karunanidhi has been the unanimously elected President of D.M.K. for about 43 years. He is one of the Founder-Leaders of the party. He was the Chief Minister of the State of Tamil Nadu for five tenures running to 19 years. He is now the  Member of Tamil Nadu State Legislative Assembly for the 12th time. Politics in Tamil Nadu State has been revolving around him for over half-a-century now.  He is a multi-dimensional personality.  He is a convincing orator and prolific writer.  He is a great administrator with a far-reaching vision. He is a Poet, Lyricist and Play-Wright.  His entry marked a turning-point in the field of stage-plays.  He brought about a revolutionary change in the field of cinema. He has to his credit tens and thousands of short stories, novels, poems, lyrics, articles on political and social themes, plays and cinema-scripts.  He is responsible for a number of social-reform measures in the State of Tamil Nadu and his contribution to the economic development of the State is gigantic.  He is being looked upon as a tall Leader of the Tamils living across the world.
Dr. Kalaignar M. Karunanidhi, who has been raising his voice consistently for the rightful  cause of Eelam Tamils  from the year 1956, is also the Chairman of TESO (Tamil Eelam Supporters’ Organisation), started  to mobilize national and international support for Eelam Tamils.
I, M.K. Stalin, formerly the Deputy Chief Minister of the State of Tamil Nadu and presently Treasurer of the D.M.K.,
and
I, T.R. Baalu, formerly Indian Union Minister of Forest, Environment and Surface Transport andpresently Leader of the D.M.K. Parliamentary Party,
have come over here from Chennai, India to call on you, seeking your precious time and meaningful attention to the plight and problems of Eelam Tamils.
Yours sincerely,
     Sd...                     Sd...
(M.K. Stalin)           (T.R. Baalu)
Geneva,
6.11.2012 
Memorandum  on Sri Lankan Tamils Issue to the High Commissioner, UNHRC, Geneva.
The brutal civil war in Sri Lanka that resulted in the loss of lives of lakhs of Tamils will forever haunt our minds. The genocide that took place in Sri Lanka will remain as a terrible shame and stain in the history of mankind. It has shaken up the world community which is united and committed to prevent any such massacre in future.
For more than five decades, our political party namely the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) which is now headed by me has been striving for the equality and rights of the Sri Lankan Tamils. Some of the steps taken by DMK party in this regard are detailed below:
Fifty six years ago in 1956, the General Council of the DMK party passed a resolution moved by me demanding equal rights and peaceful living to the Eelam Tamils.
In 1958 the DMK conducted a grand procession in chennai protesting against the atrocities inflicted on Eelam Tamils by the Sinhalese.
As early as 1961, the DMK General Council meeting held in Tuticorin in Tamil Nadu and passed a resolution requesting the Government of India to take up the issue of Eelam Tamils to the United Nations.
In 1981, condemning the killing of the innocent Tamils in Sri Lanka the DMK organized an agitation all over Tamil Nadu in which myself and several leaders of our party were arrested. Eight members of the DMK party committed self-immolation and sacrificed their valuable lives for the cause of the Eelam Tamils.
On 25th July 1983 when the Sinhala extremists barged into the Velikadai prison in Sri Lanka and butchered as many as 35 Tamils including Tamil front line leaders like Thangadurai, Kuttimani and Jegan. On hearing this, within a matter of hours, DMK mobilized as many as 800,000 people and organized a massive protest march in Chennai which drew international attention to this burning issue in Sri Lanka.
On 10th August 1983, in order to create an effective impact and awareness amongst the entire nation, I resigned my membership of the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly along with Prof. K. Anbazhagan, the General Secretary of our DMK party. Since there was no appreciable improvement in the pathetic conditions of Eelam Tamils, DMK decided to intensify and take up the issue from the regional level to the national level. Hence, DMK along with likeminded political parties started a new movement called the Tamil Eelam Supporters Organization (TESO) in 1985 to vociferously and unanimously express its anguish over the sufferings of Eelam Tamils and draw the immediate attention of the world community towards our demands.
Subsequently the TESO held mammoth processions, protest marches and public meetings in several parts of Tamil Nadu. My party successfully launched a massive campaign of collecting over 10 million signatures from the Indian Tamils and submitted the same to the United Nations pleading immediate intervention to restore normalcy in Sri Lanka and to protect the Eelam Tamils from the tyranny and atrocities of the oppressive Sinhalese Government.
The  TESO organized the first national conference of TESO in 1986 at Madurai, which was attended by national leaders including the former Prime Minister of India A.B.Vajpayee, the former Chief Ministers Rama Rao, and H.N.Bahuguna, the former Union Ministers Murasoli Maran, Jaswant Singh, Dinesh Goswami and K.P.Unnikrishnan, along with Tamil Leaders Veeramani, P.Nedumaran, Sri Lankan Tamil leaders like A.Amirthalingam, Chandrahasan and leaders of liberation groups. This conference passed a resolution demanding protection of Eelam Tamils in their traditional homeland; and to ensure and extend justice, self respect and peaceful living to them.
Further the resolutions passed in the TESO conference called upon the Government of India to raise the issue of the Eelam Tamils with vigour in all international fora such as UN, NAM, CHOGM to find solution to the problems of the Eelam Tamils.
When I was the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, I along with Murasoli Maran M.P met the then Prime-Ministers of India, Rajiv Gandhi and Chandra Shekar and apprised them of the sad plight of Eelam Tamils and urged the Government of India to hold negotiations quickly with Sri Lankan Government and alleviate the sufferings of  Eelam Tamils.
Deeply moved by the loss of innocent lives in the unending civil war in Sri Lanka, DMK passed a resolution on 5th October 2008, in support of Eelam Tamils and forwarded it to the Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh and the Congress President Tmt. Sonia Gandhi.
On 24th October 2008, we conducted the longest human chain extending across all districts in Tamil Nadu and subsequently, a statewide general strike was also observed by the DMK.
On 12th November 2008 as Chief Minister I moved a resolution on the sufferings of of  Eelam Tamils in the Legislative Assembly of Tamil Nadu. On 4th December 2008, an all-party delegation led by me went to Delhi and met the Prime Minister and impressed upon him to take necessary and immediate steps to stop the genocide in Sri Lanka.
Above all, the DMK Government headed by me in Tamil Nadu has been dissolved twice by the Union Government of India in 1976 and 1991 for their continuing support to Eelam Tamils. On several occasions during the course of agitations I have been arrested along with thousands of DMK cadres.
After the end of the genocidal war in May 2009, I urged the Government of India to send a high-level parliamentary delegation to Sri Lanka and conduct an on-the-spot study to gain first-hand knowledge about the rehabilitation and resettlement process promised by the Sri Lankan Government to the Government of India; and also to assess the implementation of assistance given by the Government of India, to the war affected Tamils in Sri Lanka.
On my demand, the Government of India deputed a delegation of Parliamentarians under the leadership of Mr. T.R. Baalu, MP Leader of the DMK Parliamentary Party. Accordingly, the delegation which included my daughter Tmt. Kanimozhi M.P.,  Thiru. T.K.S. Ilangovan, M.P., Thiru. A.K.S. Vijayan, M.P., Tmt. Helen Davidson, M.P., Thiru. Thol. Thirumavalavan, M.P., Thiru. N.S.V. Chithan, M.P., Thiru. J.M. Haroon, M.P., Thiru. Sudarsana Nachiappan, M.P., and Thiru. K.S. Alagiri, M.P.,  visited IDP Camps in Sri Lanka, where they found IDPs crowded in inadequate tents, enclosed by barbed wire, and kept like cattles in deplorable conditions under the sun and rain with neither adequate roofing nor hygienic surroundings, thereby causing outbreak of epidemics. Tamils in those camps suffer even without basic medical facilities. The Sri Lankan Government had also failed to adhere to  the internationally accepted standards for treatment of internally displaced persons.
Upon receiving a report of the pathetic situation prevailing in the IDP Camps from Mr. T.R. Baalu, MP and the Parliamentary Delegation, I, once again, took up this matter with the Indian Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh, on the basis of which the Government of India extended various benefits to the Tamils in Sri Lanka.
After having understood the pathetic scenario about IDPs, I made an earnest appeal to the people of Tamil Nadu, NGO’s, especially to my party men, who generously donated clothes, medicines, money, utensils, etc, which were sent by ship through the International Committee of Red Cross to Sri Lanka on 13.11.2008, 22.04.2009 and 09.05.2009. Even those relief materials despatched by the DMK were not distributed to the suffering Eelam Tamils. So, once again I represented to the Government of India to provide financial aid and play an effective role in the rehabilitation of IDPs. But, to my shock, I came to understand that the assistance provided by the Government of India did not reach the intended  beneficiaries but they were cornered by the Sinhalese.
The Sri Lankan President Rajapaksa had gone on record promising to the Parliamentary delegation that he  will rehabilitate the 300,000 inmates of IDP camps by December 2009. But so far he has not fulfilled his promises. Therefore the DMK Party has been consistently raising its voice in Parliament to the Government of India to monitor the assistance provided and facilitate the quick rehabilitation of Sri Lankan Tamils.
The continued post war sufferings of Tamils in Sri Lanka compelled us to revive TESO and organize “Eelam Tamils Rights Protection Conference” on 12th August 2012 at Chennai. This International Conference was attended by the political party leaders and human rights activists from Sri Lanka, United States of America, United Kingdom, Sweden, Norway, Morocco, Nigeria, Turkey, Malaysia and Singapore as well as from India.
In this conference, fourteen resolutions were adopted and passed on various issues pertaining to Sri Lankan Tamils questions. Specifically, the fourth resolution of the conference urges the Government of India to bring forth a UN resolution to bestow full rights to Tamils in Sri Lanka to decide for themselves their future political order.
After 2009, in the Northern and Eastern provinces of Sri Lanka the Eelam Tamil population has faced serious large-scale human rights abuseswhich continued
unchecked. Under these circumstances we prefer this memorandum for your esteemed consideration and appropriate action in this regard.
We would like to place the following human rights issues faced by the Eelam Tamils in Sri Lanka for your consideration:
State-sponsored demographic change
The houses, agricultural lands, industries and other properties of thousands of Tamils were forcibly taken from them and distributed to Sinhalese soldiers. Sinhala families are being settled there in large numbers.
Militarization of traditional
Tamil areas:
The Sinhalese army is being permanently stationed in Tamil areas, in the ratio of one soldier for every five Tamil civilians. There is a military camp in every village. There are many guard posts at every intersection. Retired army officers are Governors of both Northern and Eastern Provinces. No public or social functions are allowed without military permission. Military controls most of the economic activities. It is engaged predominantly in the use of development aid, construction, hotels, eateries, petty trade and vegetable cultivation in the traditional lands of Tamils. Military over-rules the police in most cases, even though the police regularly report to the Ministry of Defence.
Land Grabbing
Lands owned by the Eelam Tamils were forcibly grabbed during the long war period. Government and its military are in total control of land dispute resolution and ordering disputed land titles to Sinhalese. The news that the Sri Lankan Government and its military are promoting illegal emigration of Tamils through human trafficking and usurping their land titles are found to be true.
Declining Political Representation.
Tamil political representation has been declining since independence due to gerrymandering, state-sponsored demographic change and disenfranchisement of voters.
Displacement
Officially, 125,000 Tamils fled from their homeland during the final phase of the war in 2009.4 One third of Tamils had already fled the island due to genocidal oppression. Almost one million Tamils remain overseas, of which 200,000 are in India, mostly in the refugee5 camps.
Disappearances/extrajudicial executions
Thousands of Tamils have disappeared in the Eastern area since it was taken over by the Sinhalese Government in 2007.6 The International Committee of Red Cross reports that 15,780 persons are missing in the Northern Province. Disappearances and extrajudicial executions continue in the North and in Colombo with total impunity, mostly directed towards Tamils.
Indefinite detention without trial
Thousands of Tamils are being held for many years without trial either under Prevention of Terrorism Act or without any legal sanction.
Exploitation of  Religious freedom
Buddhism has been declared as a state religion and large scale destruction of Hindu temples, Christian churches and Islamic mosques continue to be encour¬aged. For example, 1500 Hindu temples were converted as Buddhist vihars while the churches and mosques are occupied by the Sinhala army men.
Pathetic Condition of Tamil Women
Vulnerable population are the Tamil women. The condition of Tamil women in Sri Lanka is very pathetic. The oppressive military campaign that ended in May 2009 left an estimated 90,000 Tamil war widows. Tamil women are particularly targeted and exploited by the Sinhalese  army men. Violent and forced sexual abuses by the Sinhalese military men make women’s security a major issue.
Restrictions on trade and commerce
The Sinhalese Government is following a discriminatory trade policy favouring Sinhalese traders only. The Tamil merchants are neglected and penalised. The Sinhalese army is entrenched in all areas of civilian life and has taken over the economy. Even saloons  are captured and run by the army men. Hence, there is no space for economic revival of Tamils. For instance, the highway from Jaffna to Colombo, A-9, previously used by the Tamil merchants, is at present totally controlled by the Sinhalese ex-servicemen. Even sign boards along the A-9 which were used to be bilingual are now only in  Sinhala language.
Restrictions on NGO access
Overt and covert restrictions by the Sinhalese Government prevent NGO access to Tamils of the island nation. The International Committee of Red Cross was asked to close its offices in the Northern Province in 2010.
Sufferings of the Tamil Children
Tamil children continue to struggle from the effects of years of discrimination and an oppressive war thrust upon them. Tamil areas have twice the rate of infant mortality as that of the rest of the island7, 40% of children under 5 years of age are malnourished and are under¬weight compared to 20% in the rest of the island8, and maternal mortality is four times that of elsewhere9.
Social discrimination
No social functions and religious ceremonies can be organized without the prior approval of the army which are usually denied. Tamils cannot even  host anyone in their house without the army’s consent.
Tamil Language, Education and Culture
The identity of culture and pride of language and Tamil education, are ridiculed by Sinhala fanatics who are trying to eradicate the cultural and linguistic identity of Tamils. The Tamil language is not given due importance on par with Sinhala language. The past administrations have failed to consider Tamil as an  official  language.
The above mentioned acts of genocide and heinous war crimes unleashed against unarmed innocent Tamil civilians bear shameful testimony to the widespread human rights violations in Sri Lanka.
Now, how will the civilized world help to heal the wounds of extended civil war and put an end to the decades-old sufferings of Tamils in Sri Lanka?
 Is it not the duty of every right thinking individual, international humanitarian organization and elected Government to answer the cries of Tamil brothers and sisters in Sri Lanka?
I am deputing Mr. M.K. Stalin, M.L.A.,  Former the Deputy Chief Minister of the State of Tamil Nadu and Mr.T.R.Baalu, M.P., Leader of the D.M.K. Parliamentary party in Indian Parliament with extraordinary hope from the homeland of Gautama Buddha, MK Gandhi and Thiruvalluvar who are universal icons for brotherhood, peace and justice, to submit this memorandum to UNHRC – a forum which takes great pride in upholding international humanitarian laws.
In the light of the above mentioned facts, we request Your Excellency to initiate immediate and appropriate action on the following:
1. Immediate withdrawal of security forces and restoration of habitations to Tamils.
2. Rehabilitation and resettlement of displaced Tamils.
3. Conduct an impartial inquiry by an international agency on the human rights violations and war crimes committed against the Eelam Tamils.
4. Restore dignified life to Tamils living in Sri Lanka.
Sd..
(Dr. M. Karunanidhi)
President, DMK party and TESO
Chennai
27.10.2012

Sitaram Yechury

THE affidavit filed by the Archaeological Survey of India in the Supreme Court in the Sethusamudram project (in 2007) case has provided grist to the communal mill led by the RSS/BJP. The government of India had correctly decided to withdraw certain parts of the affidavit that by all means are extraneous to the matter at hand. It is, indeed, strange that the UPA government had allowed such extraneous comments to be filed in the affidavit, in the first place. Notwithstanding this, the RSS/BJP, bereft as they are of any constructive agenda for improving the people’s livelihood, have found an issue around which they seek to rouse communal passions for political benefits. Since the matter is now before the apex court, the country needs to wait for its decision.

This Sethusamudram controversy, however, merits a discussion as an earlier debate in the parliament also drifted towards replacing historical enquiry and evidence with mythology and replacing philosophy with theology. While on this issue and in the larger Indian context, it is the RSS/BJP that has been seeking such a metamorphosis, other persuasions of faith could be equally guilty under different circumstances and dispensations.

Before discussing this, it is necessary to note certain aspects of this project. The Sethusamudram ship channel project, inaugurated by the prime minister envisages the dredging of a shipping channel across the Palk straits between India and Sri Lanka. The project undertaken jointly by various shipping sector public sector corporations with an initial equity by the central government is designed to deepen the channel to permit modern ships to navigate from the West and East of India. Currently, ships have to navigate around the Sri Lankan coasts to reach destinations in the east of India. Once completed, this project will reduce the distance by as much as 424 nautical miles and save 36 hours of sailing time. Once completed, this is expected to boost maritime trade providing considerable economic activity in the region and save crucial time and money for movement from the East and West coasts of India.

The singular thrust of the BJP’s objections to this project is that this would destroy the chain of islets and shallows known as the Adam’s Bridge linking India with Sri Lanka. This Adam’s Bridge is claimed by the BJP to have been constructed 17 lakh years ago and is the famous bridge built by Lord Rama in the Ramayana for his assault on Lanka to rescue Sita. Despite the thunderings of the DMK’s Shipping minister in the parliament that there is no proof that this is a manmade bridge and that a  NASA statement of 1987 quoted by the BJP had no scientific validity, the BJP continues to stick to its guns. What is strange is the fact that under the BJP-led NDA government, the Geological Survey of India (GSI) was asked to ascertain the facts. The GSI showed that the Adam’s Bridge alignment is a palaeographical formation dating back to several lakhs of years and disproved that it was a manmade construction. In fact, it was the BJP-led NDA government which allocated nearly Rs. 5 crore for a feasibility study to implement this project in the 2000-01 budget. Having in the first place sanctioned the project when in government, the BJP is thoroughly exposing its diabolic opportunism in now seeking to oppose this very project for political benefit through disastrous communal polarisation.

In the seminal series on people’s history being brought out by Tulika publishers, Prof. Irfan Habib in the first volume in the series, “Pre-history” informs us that geological studies and scientific advances now permit us to fairly accurately map the movement of land mass on our planet through plate tectonics. Such scientific studies have also fairly accurately mapped the geological ages of our planet along with corresponding organic life that inhabited at that point of time. This scientific classification, going back to 4000 million years, has divided this period into various Eons, Eras and Epochs. These have also mapped the physical changes that have occurred over this period. Accordingly, it has been shown that, “in India, as all over the world, a major result of glaciations in each Ice age was the great fall in sea level since enormous bodies of water were kept frozen in large ice sheets in North Western Europe and Northern America. It is believed that in the last Ice age, in the late Pleistocene (an epoch that began 1.8 million years ago and ended 10000 years ago with the advent of the current epoch Holocene), the sea level was between 100 and 150 metres below the present mean sea level. Such a retreat of the sea in the Ice ages meant that both the gulf of Kutch and the gulf of Cambay became stretches of dry land; Sri Lanka was joined to South India by a broad belt of land around Adam’s Bridge; and the North Middle and South Andaman Islands formed a single island”.

Given the current debate on global warming when the reverse is estimated to occur with the submerging of large tracts of land mass the above scientific evidence should not come as a surprise. However, seeking to communalise every issue for political benefit, the BJP takes recourse to Faith to authenticate mythology as history. Faith is a matter of individual choice. A right that a democratic system will assiduously protect. What we are discussing here are not matters of Faith. These are matters of historical enquiry and reality. By protecting the right of the individual choice of Faith, the Indian constitution also seeks to encourage scientific enquiry and spirit. These cannot and should not be counterpoised.

.....

Thus, without entering into any disputes on matters of Faith, this remarkable materialist interpretation of the das avataras, surely, merits attention. Faith in its quintessential form must facilitate the pursuit of truth and acquiring the ability to recognise the truth. Chinese civilisational wisdom, as equally old and ancient as ours in India, tells us to let a hundred flowers bloom, a thousand thoughts contend, so that finally we can seek truth from the facts. While truth is a fact, all facts are not whole truths. This is the difference between philosophy and theology.

Faith must encourage the adventure of ideas and promote scientific enquiry and not reduce itself to fanning communal passions for petty political and electoral benefits.  

Diversionary tactics of inept, callous regime

Addressing the public through Jaya TV, Jayalalitha said, “I understand the difficulties faced by you due to the power shortage. I wish to clarify that neither me nor the government led by me is the reason for this state of affairs. The DMK and Congress leaders who accuse that Tamil Nadu is drowned in darkness now, failed to do anything to set right the power situation in the last 15 years... The previous DMK regime and the Congress-led government at the centre alone own full responsibility for the power crisis.”  We don’t know whether it is proper for her, in her capacity as the Chief Minister of the State, to make an official broadcast over a private television channel. Earlier, she used the same TV channel to announce hike in bus fares, milk prices and power tariff. This may be the n+1 time that Jayalalitha tries to blame the previous DMK rule for the present unprecedented power shutdown, but people of Tamil Nadu, by their own experience, will reject her claim. Because, there were power cuts only for two hours in Chennai and four hours in districts, that too with prior announcements. But the media as a whole made a hue and cry about it and Jayalalitha and some other opposition parties capitalized on media propaganda. So when Jayalalitha, in her election campaign, promised people that power cut would be totally eliminated within three months of the ADMK elected to power, people were carried away by her assurance and voted her to power with a lot of hope.
Now, Jayalalitha has told the Assembly on 31-10-2012, of course after DMK members were evicted, that she never said that power cut would be eliminated within three months of assuming office. She is on the record of the Assembly while replying to the debate on the Governor’s Address in June 2011 immediately after forming government, telling that the then existing 3 hour power cut would be reduced to 2 hours and from July power shortage in TN would be totally solved.
After convening the meeting of her Cabinet and deciding to move the Supreme Court for directing the Centre to reallocate 1,721 MW of power surrendered by Delhi State government for three months of winter, Jayalalitha had added in her TV address, “Even if the Centre betrays us, with your cooperation and the grace of the Almighty, I will redeem TN from darkness,” she said, adding that the State would regain its “power surplus status”. Even before the Centre has responded and the court passing any order, if she makes such a statement bordering on arrogance, then why all these exercises? What does she expect the hapless people of the state to do  by seeking their cooperation? If she is confident of the grace of ‘Almighty’ for her, she could as well seek it by her usual visits to temples or by performing yagnas!
She has observed that during 1991-96, the ADMK regime had enhanced the installed capacity by 1,302 mw and by 2,518 mw during 2001-06, thus, the total installed capacity in TN stood at 10,100 mw in 2006. But so far, in spite of repeatedly challenged by the DMK and Kalaignar to specify the names and installed capacities of the ‘power projects’ that were planned, funded and started during 2001-2006, neither Jayalalitha nor her apologists like Cho S.Ramaswami and “Dinamani’ editor had answered, neither they could, because it is a double-boiled, double- distilled lie. Contradicting her own claim of enhancing installed capacity, she herself had said “the previous ADMK government took steps to establish many mega power projects and the change of guard took place at that time in 2006.” That means those projects were only on papers unlike those projects to generate 7,798 MW of power which were planned, funds allocated and works started during DMK rule in 2006-2011.
Now even according to the government’s own admission in the petition filed in the Supreme Court on October 29,“The people were facing massive power cuts, up to 12 hours every day. The industrial sector was subjected to 40 per cent demand and energy cut. The agricultural sector was the worst hit,” whereas in reality it is between 14 and 16 hours.
Eighteen months since ADMK came to power and the duration of power cut increasing day by day, people were not at all prepared to accept any of the alibis given by the rulers, their annoyance turning into anger against the regime. Jayalalitha was madly yearning for some excuse or the other if not to subside the growing resentment, at least to divert their attention for some time, when there was a report in the media that the National Capital Territory of Delhi was surrendering 230 MW of round the clock power and 1491 MW (available between midnight and 6 a.m.) for about three months during winter. That news was enough for Jayalalitha to advance a lame excuse and have some respite. Her Cabinet decided to seek reallocation of 1721 MW of power surrendered by Delhi to Tamil Nadu. Although 1721 MW of power that is repeatedly focused by the government looks like a big deal, only 231 MW of the quantum will be available round the clock and 1491 MW available between midnight and 6 a.m. will be of no use to people of the state during winter and monsoon seasons or for the industry. So it is obvious that the ADMK regime is not making the bid with any bonafide intention of providing some relief to the people but only to divert the attention of them for some time.
Although newspapers have not dared to write about Jayalalitha’s move to Supreme Court on this count, two letters of the readers of The Hindu reflect the mood of the people who are not amused by this. The letter by  J. Suganthi, Lalgudi states:
“The Tamil Nadu government’s decision to approach the Supreme Court, asking it to issue directions to the Centre to make available adequate power to overcome the severe electricity shortage in the State (Oct. 28), is certainly not in the right direction. The AIADMK government promised a turnaround within three months of coming to power. But its poor handling of the protests against the Kundankulam nuclear power plant has led to a delay in the commissioning of the plant. On the maintenance of power plants too, the administration is found wanting. Adopting a confrontationist course and blaming the erstwhile rulers for the present crisis will not help solve the problem.”
and by N. Mahadevan, Chennai states:
“We are not sure whether the Tamil Nadu government is making a wise move. As in the case of the Cauvery River water dispute, this case too will linger on for years while the people of the State suffer. That the UPA government’s hands are tied by coalition compulsions is well known. It would be very difficult for the government to go against the interests of its allies.”
Secondly, the ADMK regime itself is aware of the fact that even if the Centre reallocated this power, there is no infrastructure to receive it in our state. Even while the government moved the Supreme Court on October 29 for a direction to the Centre to reallocate the 1721 MW of power surrendered by Delhi to Tamil Nadu, the suit also sought a direction to the Centre to provide necessary corridor for smooth transmission of power .
The state has also sought directions to the Centre to provide dedicated or congestion free inter-state power transmission corridors to the southern region.
The suit said: “The southern region, consisting of Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Puducherry, is not connected to the NEW grid. So the southern states, more particularly Tamil Nadu, are not getting adequate power from the grid and have to depend primarily on electricity generated within the region.”
It said the Tamil Nadu Electricity Generation and Distribution Corporation Ltd (TANGEDCO) had entered into yearlong agreements with various states to purchase around 1,100 MW of power but due to congestion in the transmission corridor, the state was receiving only 85 MW of electricity. “Centre has not taken necessary measures and has not provided with adequate infrastructural facilities to ensure smooth inter-state transmission of power. Centre has thus failed in its statutory duty to provide for these facilities as mandated by the Electricity Act, 2003,” the petition said.
Debt-ridden TANGEDCO Ltd has one more customer crying foul for non-payment of dues. The Tamil Nadu Spinning Mills Association (TASMA) is threatening to file a case against TANGEDCO for its unpaid bills for the last 18 months running into several crores.
“Around Rs.800 crore is due as payment from TANGEDCO to TASMA towards wind power generation and encashment of banked units for the last 18 months. We are planning to file a writ petition to seek direction to adjust the amount in the monthly bills of the units,“ said K. Venkatachalam, chief advisor at TASMA. After enumerating the members and their total dues, they will be filing a case in the HC in a day or two.
TASMA members account for around 3,500 MW of wind power installed in the state and are now seeking payment for about 600 crore units generated in 2010-11 and 900 crore units, in 201112. The corporation has failed to clear their dues for over 18 months. We have been regularly paying our monthly dues to TANGEDCO. As our money is blocked, we are asking it be adjusted towards these payments, said TASMA president A.P. Appukutty.
So knowing very well that right now there is no corridor for transmission of power from Northern grid to Sothern grid and it will take several years and funds to set up the corridor, the ADMK regime has resorted to this move only to buy time. But Tamil Nadu government’s senior official  of the Tamil Nadu Generation of Electricity and Distribution Corporation unmasked the design of the ADMK regime. Speaking to the Deccan Chronicle the senior official had said that Tamil Nadu will have to wait till January 2014, for congestion in the transmission corridor of the southern grid to ease, to import power from the national grid.
The southern grid covering Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, Karnataka and Puducherry has not been integrated with the national grid. “Power Grid Corporation of India Ltd (PGCIL) is constructing a 800 KV transmission link between Raichur in Karnataka and Sholapur in Maharashtra to connect the southern grid with rest of the national grid,” said the official.
At present, the national grid is demarcated into five regional grids — Northern, Southern, Eastern, Western and NE. Except the southern grid, all other grids are operating in synchrony since August 2006 and have a single frequency. “The southern grid is connected asynchronously with the rest of the national power grid. This has been done through high voltage direct current links and radially operated AC links,” the official said.
Presently, the inter-regional transmission capacity between West and South is 1,500 MW. “With the new transmission lines between Maharashtra and Karnataka, the transmission capacity will be enhanced to 5,000 MW,” the official pointed out.
After evicting inconvenient DMK members in whose presence she could not mislead the House, Jayalalitha had claimed in the Assembly on Oct.31 that the information given by Kalaignar in his epistle to cadre that the previous DMK rule headed by him had taken steps to get 7,798 MW of power till 2014 as an imaginary statement and ‘fully contrary to truth’. After stating this and asking people to bear with her for some more time, she had said “power cuts would be relaxed in the coming months, thanks to commissioning of projects one by one. The government headed by her took expeditious steps to commission new projects: Mettur unit and first unit of Vallur project to generate 600 MW and 500 MW respectively from December 2012, the second unit of Vallur project (500 MW) in March 2013- North Chennai Thermal project (600 MW) in April 2013, the second unit of North Chennai project (600 MW) in May 2013, third unit of Vallur project(500 MW) in October 2013,two units of Tuticorin thermal project (1000 MW) in December 2013, totaling 3,230 MW by the end of 2013.” She had also said about Kudankulam, Neyveli Central projects to yield  altogether totaling 4,385 MW by the end of  next year. Who started all these projects and when ? It was the DMK government which planned, funded and started works for all these projects and Kalaignar has umpteen number of times given dates of starting the projects and their costs. It is a pity that dailies in Tamil Nadu very well aware of this truth, are dutifully publishing the lies of the Chief Minister, thus doing a disservice to their readers and people of the state.
The ADMK rank and file should realize that their ‘Amma’ cannot for long manage power crisis due to her ineptness and callousness by consistently lying and adopting diversionary    tactics. The suppressed anger of the people will erupt like a volcano!                        r

Epilogue

At the age of eighty seven, as a political leader holding
    high positions of power and authority including the Chief Ministership of Tamilnadu for the fifth time, as a revolutionary bent upon preaching the ideals of the Dravidian Movement, as an activist and fighter trying to implement what has been recommended by Periyar and Anna for the benefit of the Tamil Community, as an author of countless literary works in many genres and subgenres, as an artist writing dialogues for plays and movies, and as one combining all these roles, Kalaignar has broken numerous records held by eminent personalities from India and abroad. A handful of records in the world of letters may remain like the one set by Sophocles, who is believed to have written his magnum opus Antigone when he was ninety one years old.
In his autobiography, Kalaignar tells those who, with sinister intentions, advise him to take rest and stop working,
“The man who shunned rest all his life is now resting here – this inscription will appear only on my tomb.” This is my reply.
Here Kalaignar shows the determination of Milton, who, while writing a rejoinder to a pamphlet defending monarchy, stated that even if Aesculapius, the Greek god of medicine, were to urge him not to take up the job because of his impaired eyesight, he was not going to listen to him.
During the Sangam period, there were poets who, while gratefully paying glowing tributes to their patrons, kings and chieftains, would express the sincere desire that the remaining years of their life be added to the life of their benefactor. In a Purananuru poem, Aattiraiyanaar tells a chieftain:
Aatungan! My lord! May you live long! Those who open my heart would see you there! Should I forget you, it could only be when my life is leaving my body!
I would have to forget myself to forget you,
who are like the broad sphere of the sun when it settled… you  who take
the duty to protect everyone upon yourself through out the day and the night.
Kallaatanaar, expressing his sense of gratitude to Amparkilaan ­ Aruvantai, tells him,
May the overlord of Ampar where the fields grow their paddy and the water
of the Kaviri River laps into the low-lying land of the gardens,
may that good man Aruvantai live for more years than there might be
drops of rain falling from the heights
of the sky upon Palli’s hill of Vengadam, the mountain of victory.
Kunrukatpaaliyaatanaar, praising his patron, observes,
And so may he live on for more aeons than the grains of sand by the resounding Porunai River that washes the city of Vanji named for the tree with dull – coloured leaves, more than the grains of rice that grow in all the fields around the many cities of that land!
Kalaignar has himself been a poet and a generous patron concerned with the welfare of contemporary Tamil poets, novelists, artists and scholars in the academic and non-academic fields. He has been extremely generous to them giving them awards, conferring titles on them, sanctioning monthly and annual grants, providing them with houses and going out of the way to help them when they face problems in their old age. Now all these writers and artists will certainly hope and pray like the Sangam poets of the distant past that their saviour will live a long and healthy life.
These sincere wishes and blessings will keep Kalaignar going for many more years when he will be able to set a few more records and break the one now held by the reputed Greek playwright, the author of Antigone.

Autobiographies: Justice to One’s Heart of Hearts

Though a common use of the term ‘autobiography’ would
    include under autobiographical writings what are identified as memoirs, diaries, journals, and letters certain subtle distinctions are made among these forms. While autobiographies and memoirs are meant for the public eye, diaries, journals and letters need not be organized narratives composed for the common reader. Memoirs may deal with public events and noted personages other than the author himself whereas an autobiography is expected to be a connected narrative of the author’s life, giving some importance to introspection. The conventional distinctions between autobiography and biography are well known but many contemporary theorists have drawn our attention to the complex relationship between writing about oneself and writing about another as well as to the psychological and socio-cultural factors involved in life-writing, a term they prefer because it leaves open the matter of precisely who is writing whose life. Some postmodernist discourse analysts would designate all writing ‘faction’ because it may combine fact and fiction.
When we are to examine Karunanidhi’s massive autobiography in four volumes (the fifth volume is to be released soon), we have to consider two more subgenres called ‘bildungsroman’ and ‘kunstlerroman’. An apprenticeship novel, sometimes called a bildungsroman, sketches the youth and young manhood of a sensitive being, striving hard to learn the nature of the world, discover its meaning and pattern and envision a philosophy of life. It is also known as Erziehungsroman, or education novel, whereas an apprenticeship novel that describes the development of an artist or writer is called a Kunstlerroman. Karunanidhi’s autobiography understandably shares many of the characteristic features of the memoir, the apprenticeship novel and the Kunstlerroman as it records the momentous events in his long private and public life besides his growth as an artist and his evolution into a mature statesman. It has to cross the boundaries of all these subgenres as it has to recount the life of a truly multifaceted personality.
When he started writing the first part of his autobiography, Kalaignar was in his early fifties and, therefore, thought it fit to apologize to the reader.

“So, have you grown big enough to write your own life story?” Not anyone else, it was my mind which raised the question. But it also had a ready answer.
Are life and history the exclusive preserve of the high and the mighty? Not for the humble folks?
But even two prisoners exchange the stories of their lives between themselves. One could chance to hear it. Two elderly rickshaw-pullers lean gracefully on their rickshaws parked under a tree shade, and share with each other interesting anecdotes of their lives.
If you closely observe the conversation between two insomniac hermits, lying languidly on the pial of a traveler’s; again their life story.
A sick person lying in his deathbed and aware of his impending demise, his life story silently revolves in his mind’s eye. Unable to write, too weak to speak, he lets it play out as a film in his mind. Even at the threshold of death – smile, sigh and tears. All these are but chapters in his story.
May be, every individual’s history does not bear seeds of major social change. His life story has perhaps no room for political revolution. But he might have unwittingly been a part of the changes and revolutions in the country. He is a part of the society; society and nation are but a confluence of individuals like him. Who can at all deny this?
So, somehow he has a role in the changes undergone by the country. He might not have considered it significant enough to record it as a marker in his personal history. A branch of a tree is tossed by a destructive cyclone, lands at the façade of a house and knocks it down. Which is the active agent here the cyclone or the tree branch? Somehow, an event in history has become a part of the story of the tree – branch.
We should keep in mind that this apology for or defence of writing his own story was thought of by Kalaignar as early as 1975, when in the west questions relating to autobiographies by unknown people and unworthies as well as rewriting histories from the standpoint of the common people were being raised. It is interesting to note that Wordsworth wrote his autobiographical poem “The Prelude” in his early twenties when his long poetic career had just begun. As a result of the self – examination he undertook, Wordsworth felt that “vows unknown to me were made then that I should be, else sinning greatly, a dedicated spirit.” Consequent to the introspection here, Kalaignar concluded that he should lead a long active life in order to serve the Tamil society in all possible ways.
He says that it is to gain renewed vigour, he is looking back at his life. Indicating the nature of his autobiography, he gives another reason for writing it. It is not going to be an exercise in self-projection since he will give more importance to the historical occurrences of his time than to himself.
Holding me as a mere string, I am going to thread the flowers of fame of that epochal leader into a garland. In the name of a life story, one could present the history of a movement. All because references to me might appear, not fitfully, but in a somewhat sustained manner, do not think of this as an exercise in self-projection. Evocative events of historic significance, rejuvenating rationalist achievements, exhilarating literary vignettes, shocking political changes – I have tried to bring these to life.
A third reason that he adduces is that he has undertaken this venture so that he may do justice to his own conscience:
Each person should render justice to his conscience, to his own self. Likewise, a society, a party or a group should get trained to render justice to its collective conscience, on the basis of their good and evil deeds. It is easy to condemn someone. This would receive applause. But should not the critic do justice to his own conscience?
A fourth reason for the copious output may be inferred from Kalaignar’s characterization of one of the Tamil heroes of the past, Pantaaraka Vanniyan.
Whenever beset with shocking information or whenever confusion prevailed, Pantaaraka Vanniyan used to scribble something on a piece of paper. Such scribbling more often than not used to shine so surprisingly poetic. On such occasions he used to feel as if he was relieved of pressing problems and confusion… He retrieved his glance from the sky and started to write. How many problems! Even so much of a confusion! How many critical situations! How many expectations! How many shocks! To write in the midst of all these? yes, to write is a veritable medicine to his distraught mind dispelling his sadness and confusion. So he sought the help of the drug that could relieve him of his fatigue and frustration.

It is clear that Kalaignar here totally identifies himself with the hero he has created and speaks of his own eventful life, of his own perennial problems and of his own resorting to writing as a remedy for all the ills.
Interestingly, the poem that he attributes to Pantaaraka Vanniyan also recalls his own experiences as a political leader and as a writer. It is worth quoting in full because it throws a flood of light on his mind and art.

He who has made a struggle of his life
sees the flash of lightning in the dark sky
And becomes happy.
Twinned with the lightning
Thunder crashes on his head;
Yet he survives
And lives, feeding on embers.
Those who profess to lay their lives for him
And be with him for ever,
Stay together only to dig a pit to bury him.
Those who were born of the same womb
Have turned into a congenital disease.
Who will bestow on me a heart
Strong enough to face all these?
Even if millions of eagles strive,
They cannot make a hole in the sky.
Even if millions of aliens strive
To demean the honour of the Tamils
Will they  not fail?

This has proved to be a succinct summary of what has happened in his life; and this is what he substantiates in the four volumes of his autobiography!
In the first chapter itself, Kalaignar states that he will not subscribe to Rousseau’s view that life on earth is a curse. He is an optimist but his optimism is not facile.
A man’s life is sure littered with days which compel frequent recall and lament. I am no exception here. Still, there are many days which overwhelm me with joy and fulfillment: the day of my birth, the day I got married; the day I met Anna, my loving god and noble leader; the day I entered prison for the first time in the battle to protect my language. Days that I look back and savour.
The first volume of Kalaignar’s autobiography begins with an account of what happened in the year of his birth 1924 and ends with the elegy that he wrote on Anna who died of cancer on 2 February 1969. It consists of one hundred and forty-one chapters which, besides recounting the story of his early and middle life, cogently narrates the social and political history of Tamilnadu with frequent references to all the significant national and international events.
Born to Mutthuvelar and Anjukam Ammaiyar on 3 June 1924 at Tirukkuvalai, he had his early education at Tiruvarur High School whose headmaster Kasthuri Ayyangar gave him admission in the fifth standard on his threatening to commit suicide if his request was not complied with. Though he was a bright student, he could not acquit himself well in the school final examination because of his early interest in the self – respect movement led by Periyar and Anna. He organized Tamil Student Associations, gave public speeches and wrote prose pamphlets, poems and dramas propagating the ideals of the Dravidian Movement.
But this account of personal life is soon overshadowed by facets of the political, social, cultural and literary history of Tamilnadu. The rise and fall of Justice Party, the gradual coming into prominence of the Congress Organisation, and the anti – Hindi agitation begun under the leadership of Maraimalai Adigal in 1938, when Rajaji made Hindi a compulsory subject in schools are all highlighted in a breath – taking narration dotted with splendid partraits of Sir A.T. Panneer Selvam, Maraimalai Adigal, Rajaji, Periyar, Arignar Anna, K.A.P. Viswanatham, Navalar Somasundara Bharathiar, Muvalur Iramamirtham Ammaiyar and other such stalwarts of the period. The fearless struggle waged by Pattukkottai Alagirisami, praised as the image of courage and the supreme sacrifice of Talamuthu and Nataracan who were imprisoned and beaten to death by the police during the anti-Hindi agitation inspired the young Karunanidhi to actively associate himself with the relentless fight against Hindi.
His entry into the film world began when T.R. Sundaram, the owner of Modern Theatres, came forward to convert Kalaignar’s drama Mantiri Kumari into a film. The ripples created by the film angered the Hindu fundamendalists and the political parties opposed to the Dravidian movement. But the success of the film gained him the friendship of N.S. Krishnan, known for his supreme achievement as a comedian. When Kalaivaanar died, there was a huge funeral procession which inspired the grief-stricken Kalaignar to write a moving elegy.
A chapter is devoted to the celebration of the heroism and selfless courage of K.V.K. Sami, who as an ordinary member of the newly started D.M.K., worked hard for the progress of the party and was assassinated by his political adversaries. The well-deserved tribute in the form of a poem by Kalaignar is included in the chapter. When Rajaji was the Chief Minister of Tamilnadu, the DMK had to conduct a number of major agitations such as the ones against the caste – based education system proposed by him, Nehru’s verbal attack on Periyar and the Dravidian Movement and against the name of the Railway station Dalmiapuram instead of Kallakkuti. The third one to change the name was led by Kalaignar on 15 July 1953. It was this agitation successfully conducted by him that earned him the title “Kallakkuti konta Karunanidhi.”
In three chapters he speaks of his prison life immediately after the Kallakkuti struggle underlining the deplorable condition of the prisons in Tamilnadu and the vital need for reformation. The participation of DMK in the 1957 elections for the first time in its history demanded Kalaignar’s presence and propaganda in a large number of constituencies in Tamilnadu even though he contested in Kulitalai. He accepted the challenge and did the work with missionary zeal. Fifteen candidates of the DMK including Anna and Kalaignar won the election and in a particular village of his constituency everyone who voted had voted for him. It was also noteworthy that out of 22, 785 votes he secured, 12,580 votes were by women. This was a good augury to the string of incredible electoral successes he was going to achieve in his future political career.
In the chapter on the farmer’s agitation in Nangavaram held against the landlords under his leadership, a valid defence of it is followed by a strikingly modern comment by Voltaire on historiography. The French intellectual has stated that the aim of history writing should be to highlight the plight of the poor in a society and not to glorify the merciless wars conducted by pleasure – seeking kings and tyrants. And Kalaignar asks the very sane question: “Has any historian traced the history of mankind’s progress from barbarism to civilization?” It may be noted here that it was long after Voltaire that a re-thinking on the writing of history took place and scholars started thinking in terms of alternative histories.
Another landmark in Kalaignar’s spectacular political march was the victory of the DMK in the Madras Corporation Election in 1959. Kalaignar was the chief architect of the party’s unprecedented victory in the first attempt itself.
A chapter contains a learned discussion on the controversy relating to the official language bill proposing that English ‘may’ continue till it is thought fit to replace it by Hindi. Kalaignar points out how the Hindi zealots preferred ‘may’ while the rest were in favour of ‘shall’ to be used in the fatal resolution. There is an equally meaningful discussion on the bill that proposed that every candidate contesting the assembly, council and Lok Sabha elections should take a vow that he would safeguard India’s sovereignty and unity and do nothing against the letter and spirit of the Indian Constitution. This was evidently the outcome of a scheme to destroy the DMK. Kalaignar explains how Anna could wisely save the party by certain judicious speeches and timely action.
There is a brief chronological survey of the twenty – three films for which he wrote the dialogues from 1946 to 1963. Many of these made history. But the catalogue beginning with “Rajakumari” and ending with “Kanchitthalaivan” is followed by Kalaignar’s note defending his association with the film – world. All these films were only meant to serve the cause of social reformation and his primary objective was not to amass wealth or even to earn a reputation. It cannot be denied even by the most prejudiced of his detractors that these films contributed to the incredible progress of the DMK in Tamilnadu.
The first chapter of the second part of Kalaignar’s autobiography is to be specially cherished for the following two statements made there:
In about fifteen days, on 3 June 1983, I will be stepping into the sixtieth year of my life. Though I am aware that every one of my future steps will be towards the tomb, I am determined to put my heart and soul into the labour that will make this society shine like the lamp on top of a hill… Let my tears, blood, life-breath and the entire body of mine with its bones encased in skin be dedicated to the elevation of the Dravidian Movement.
I often used to say that in my life my happiness never lasted more than twenty-four hours. Those who, with their torches, burn to ashes the joyous moments in my life may be my enemies at a distance; when it is delayed by them, even those who are near and dear to me may do it with care and concern.
Another equally moving chapter reproduces three letters written to him by Anna on three significant occasions. The first one was written to ask his younger brother (Kalaignar is called ‘Thambi’ in all these letters) to give a thousand rupees as advance to comrade Devarajan so that a car may be bought to be of use during the conduct of the state conference at Madras in 1952. The second letter, written from Delhi immediately after Anna was sworn in as a member of the Rajya Sabha, mentions how he was taken care of with love and affection by the ministers C. Subramaniam and O.V.Alagesan, some of the Communist leaders and his own partyman Dharmalingam. He is worried that he has to be far away from Tamilnadu where his heart lies all the time especially when he is expected to do a lot for the party in Tamilnadu. At the end of the letter, he very touchingly remarks that he is reconciled to staying in Delhi because his ‘Thambi’ is there in Tamilnadu to take care of everything including his work.
The third letter and the final one that he wrote to Kalaignar was from the house of  G. Parthasarathy where he was convalescing after being treated for cancer at the New York Memorial Hospital in October 1968. In this letter, he expresses his concern that he has been forced to throw the entire burden of party work on his younger brother and that he may not be able to do much because of his ill-health even after his return from America.
All the three letters reveal that the unique leader of the Dravidian movement richly deserved that appellation ‘Anna’ conferred on him whole-heartedly by the entire Tamil community. They are letters written by the most  tender-hearted statesman of the time to the dearest of his disciples.
When Anna was succeeded by Kalaignar as the Chief Minister of Tamilnadu, Navalar Nedunchezhian refused to join the cabinet and this led to a lot of confusion among the rank and file of the DMK as well as among the impartial well – wishers of the Tamils. Kalaignar, considering the historical importance of this happening and feeling that his position may be misrepresented, writes at length on what really took place behind the scenes. In many of his speeches he made it clear that circumstances forced him to accept the offer even though he knew full well that he was not a worthy substitute for Anna. Whenever he praised Anna’s qualities of head and heart, Kalaignar did not mind degrading himself:
I am sitting where Anna was seated. I have been compelled to sit here… Some one starts weeping when he loses the box containing thousands of rupees during a journey. He sees that he has a ten-rupee note in his pocket and using that amount, he reaches home. We have lost Anna, who was to us a treasure trove, a cash – box containing several thousands of rupees. You, the Tamils, are using me as the ten-rupee note to reach the desired destination.

Kalaignar gives an excerpt from the condolence speech made by Navalar at Tiruvallikkeni.
When Anna formed the Ministry in 1967, since there were several contenders, I told him that I would keep out of it. Kalaignar Karunanidhi also requested that he might also be left out. This fact was stated by Anna himself at a meeting of the D.M.K. members of the legislative assembly…
I have great regard for Kalaignar Karunanidhi as an individual. I won’t underestimate his intelligence, ability and contribution. He has faced numerous hardships for the sake of the party. I can only speak and write. But he can write stories, plays and poems; he has the ability to act in plays also.
Once I wrote in an essay that Kalaignar is next only to Anna in intelligence, and ability and in the capacity to write, speak and act…
Kalaignar Karunanidhi and I are very close to each other. I used to avoid some other people. But we have been united in heart for the last twenty-five years. It was he who, sending a sum of two rupees, invited me to speak when I was a student of Annamalai University. It was because of his efforts that I became proud of going by train to give a speech in a far – off place. My relationship with such a person has not changed even now. When the leader of the D.M.K. legislators was to be elected, I kept myself away in order to avoid competition. Joining the cabinet is the individual’s privilege.
This speech is enough to clear all the doubts and misunderstandings surrounding the issue.
On another occasion, Kalaignar, using a characteristic analogy, said,
When the mother of an infant dies, it has to be contented with the bottle – milk. If Anna is the mother’s milk which has been lost, you may accept me as the bottle-milk and cooperate with me.
Several tragic occurrences in his life lead him to contemplate on the belief in God and he shares his views with his readers.
Whenever I survive some calamity, my friends and well-wishers may say that I have escaped owing to God’s blessings. My enemies may feel that I have been punished by God. The common belief is that everything is in accordance with God’s will and that in heaven’s will lies our peace.
We are only wasting our time discussing the question of faith in God. There is so much of work that has to be done.
Atheists need not consider theists as their enemies. Theists need not capitalize on the weakness of the common people who blindly believe in God. And the public should not allow themselves to be cheated by them.
In another context, raising the question, “Who is God?”, he answers that “teachers are gods, the poor are gods, all those who do good are gods.” He concludes that to everyone, his conscience is God. There are chapters in Kalaignar’s autobiography in which he gracefully reproduces excerpts from the memorable speeches made by others especially when they happen to be on the glory of Tamil and Tamil culture. Zakir Hussain made a scholarly speech inaugurating the world Tamil conference held in Chennai in 1968. With a profound sense of pride, Kalaignar draws the reader’s attention to the following remarks in the erudite paper presented:
Tamil occupies a most honourable place among our languages. It is an international language since it is spoken outside our country too. The borders of Tamilnadu are very ancient. It had a culture that spread far beyond its borders. The Tamil land had spread wherever the Tamil sensibility existed. It reached the Himalayas in the north, the seas in the east and the west and even beyond them. The Tamils had trade contacts with Arabia, Egypt, and Rome….
Azhwars’ poems describe the Mamallapuram harbor where ships carrying invaluable commodities were anchored.
A stone inscription of the eleventh century found in Sumatra refers to the flourishing trade between Tamilnadu and the south-east Asian countries.
The navy of the Tamil kings dominated the Indian Ocean. The Chola king Rajendra, who possessed a famous navy had trade relations with China.
Several centuries ago, a Pandya king sent an ambassador to the Roman Emperor Augustus in order to establish trade contacts.
 Kalaignar adds his comment that this speech by the then President of the country trumpeted the Tamil glory to the world at large.
Though the focus of the autobiography is on the historical events and the leading men and women of our country, Kalaignar gives due importance to the epoch-making events that took place elsewhere. There is a chapter on the successful journey of the rocket carrying Amstrong, Aldrin and Collins to the moon. The rocket was launched on 16 July 1969. The Russian rocket ‘Luna’ landed in the moon on 21 July 1969. Giving these details and describing the sensational conquest of the moon, Kalaignar advises the superstitious section of the Tamil community to rid themselves of the belief in the Puranic stories that claim that the moon stays in Lord Siva’s interlaced strands of hair and that eclipses take place when the sun and the moon are swallowed by the snakes called Rahu and Ketu.
Of the several character sketches that are found throughout the autobiography, the one of Jayaprakash Narayan will bear out Kalaignar’s intellectual honesty, fair-mindedness and his extraordinary skill in judging men and matters.
Jayaprakash Narayan had his education at California University in America. Though he was a student of an American University, when he returned to India, socialism had become his much cherished ideology. When he was there, he worked in apple gardens to earn his livelihood. After his return, he participated in the Indian struggle for independence. In a conspiracy case, he was sent to the Hazaribag prison from where he escaped. The British Government announced a reward of one lakh rupees to the one who brings his head. He was in prison for nine years. After India got its independence, though he was urged many times to accept a position in the central cabinet and even to become the prime minister, he declined the offers. Many including myself requested him to become the President of the Indian Republic but he firmly refused it. When I invited such a person to inaugurate the Rajaji Memorial, he agreed to come and do it.
During his speech on the occasion, he said that he was happy to hear that the horse race, a gamble, had been banned in Tamilnadu…
When he was told that the lottery scheme would also be stopped on 15 September, Anna’s birthday, he said that he knew that Karunanidhi possessed the capability to take bold decisions on matters that would yield long-term benefits. He expressed his admiration for Karunanidhi and added that he was grateful to the latter for this decision.
The last few chapters of the second part deal with the declaration of emergency by Mrs. Indra Gandhi, the then Prime Minister of India, the split in the Congress Party, the atrocities perpetrated on all the D.M.K. leaders and Kalaignar’s successful efforts at safeguarding the party and its interests during one of the deadliest threats to it. In one of his letters to his blood brothers, he wrote,
The well – structured, well – organized D.M.K. party is like the human body well-dressed. Its life is its ideology. Power is its ornament. One can live without any ornaments. When the principles are lost, life is lost. When the dress goes, one’s self-dignity disappears.
The first part of the autobiography covering the period from 1924 to 1969 deals with his life and the progress of the Dravidian Movement, both of which have been inseparably intertwined since his acceptance of the leadership of Periyar. The second part continues the same chronological account, at times moving back and forth and highlighting the events of the seven long years from 1969 to 1976. The third part is devoted to the happenings from 1976 to 1991.
In the introduction to the third part, what Kalaignar states will move even the most stony hearted of readers to tears.
When the account of the third part came to an end with the year 1991, my age was 67. My life span has been extended to 7 more years and in my seventy fourth year I continue to serve my homeland and the world.
I am being commanded by many including the publishers with all love and affection that I start writing the fourth part.
When people have entrusted me with the task of ruling Tamilnadu, I don’t know whether I will survive to write the fourth part or whether without my writing, these historical notes will engrave themselves on the hearts of my countrymen. However, this is to be decided only by nature!
Let me, therefore, leave that to nature and discharge my duty with the utmost care.
Here one may note with delight that his life span got extended further and further and that he could be healthy enough to write the fourth part and to move on to complete the fifth part also.
In the early sections of the third part, he, with an agonized heart, mentions the incalculable harm done to the D.M.K. cadre during the emergency. As evidence, he reproduces an entry from the special supplement to Encyclopedia Britannica Year Book 1977 under the title “Repression in India”: “The Central Government of India arrested hundreds of D.M.K. party people under the emergency act.”
Kalaignar’s immense interest in world literature is borne out in certain notes that he includes with enthusiasm. For instance, he tells his readers, in the second chapter in the midst of a brief account of world events, that all literature aficianados will be pleased to learn that several manuscripts of great writers of the nineteenth century including those of Byron and Shelley were found in the safe of a London bank. Kalaignar shows himself to be an informed art critic when he writes about the musician Elvis Presley and the comedian Charlie Chaplin.
The reader is deeply moved whenever Kalaignar recalls with a sense of gratitude the advice given by Jagjivan Ram, a reputed Harijan leader. Though he was then in Indra Gandhi’s cabinet, immediately after the D.M.K. ministry was dismissed, when he met Kalaignar in Madras,  he told the latter to keep the gun powder dry. This sincere piece of advice born of his love and affection for the great Tamil leader profoundly touched the heart of Kalaignar, and it stood him in good stead. He kept the powder dry and overcoming all the obstacles achieved success after success. Even after he was unjustly removed from power, after having been chief minister for seven years he did not eschew public life but continued his service with redoubled vigour. Anyone else in his place would have been thoroughly frustrated and would have disappeared from the scene in utter disgust. Kalaignar was made of sterner stuff and could prove his mettle whenever there was a setback in his political career. A contemporary poet called Kudiyarasu, in a very insightful poem quoted by Kalaignar himself, says,
My leader,
your experiences are not the aberrations in an individual’s life; they are the sufferings of a society!
On many occasions, you were made to find yourself lonely; you did not consider it painful. On the contrary, you converted it into a state of yoga!
My leader,
Who wanted to take revenge on you? The first fool created by God! You may ask how God will create fools when He happens to be wisdom. The god who created a lamp of wisdom like you, might have desired to see how you are going to vanquish fools!
You have been entrusted with the onerous responsibility of cleansing society of the dirt of misfortune!
My brother! My Kalaignar!
You have made up for the absence of Periyar and Anna!
Pre-eminent star of our generation! Those who hated your headship have lost their heads! you are the text-book of grammar for all those who lead political parties!
Certain other tributes to Kalaignar paid by people from various walks of life are very impressive. The one by Peraciriyar Anbazhakan, on the day on which Kalaignar’s twenty-fifth year of membership of the legislative assembly was celebrated, was worthy of the occasion.
If we examine which position is honoured by Kalaignar, it is not the position of a poet; it is not the position of a writer; it is not even the position of a legislator; nor is it the position of Thanthai Periyar and Arignar Anna. That is why Anna while speaking at Mannai said, “I am going to take leave as soon as I end my speech. After that, Thambi Karunanidhi will continue to speak. I have written the first part of history. Thambi Karunanidhi will continue to write that.”  Anna took leave for ever in 1969. The introduction written by Anna is continued by Kalaignar. He will continue that for many more years to come.
The fourth part of the autobiography, consisting of 633 pages, is a historical – critical survey of what happened to himself, to Tamilnadu, to India, and to the whole world during the years from 1989 to 1996. It was released, when he was stepping into the eightieth year of his life. In the introduction he states that if time permits, he will be prepared to write the fifth part. This only shows that the four-score year old leader had not yet become a spent force.
That he continues to be a live wire is evident in many places. We realize the validity of his most favourite comment on his life:
Looking back upon the distance we have crossed we may think, “We have covered so much of distance; we cannot move further.” But, instead of getting tired and depressed like that, we should tell ourselves, “Does not matter; We have come so long; a little more distance only!” We should then continue with renewed vigour.
In order to gain that vigour only, I look back upon my life. There are men who describe life as a struggle. To me, struggle has become life. My life is one long struggle.
Is there no happiness to a soldier? Why not? He may drink a hot cup of tea while attacking his enemies by crawling amidst rocks of snow in the cold weather. Even that is a great pleasure to him.
When we eat a fish, its bones may prick our tongue. A little blood may ooze out. There are people who relish eating pieces of fish unmindful of the pricks of bones.
To some, fish-bones may give trouble by getting stuck up in the throat.
My life is of the second kind.
Among the international events commented on in the fourth chapter are the agitation by the Chinese students, the rebellion in Ceylon, the birth of Bangladesh, the political restlessness in the Philippines, the release of Nelson Mandela, the war between Quait and Iraq, the elections in England, Georgia’s declaration of independence, the elections in the U.S.A. and the award of the Nobel Prize to Yasser Arafat. There is a detailed discussion of the Indian political scene focusing on the onward march of the D.M.K. facing numerous problems and emerging triumphant at the end of a long-drawn out bitter fight against its regional and national enemies.
Among the praises periodically showered on Kalaignar, two are outstanding. When the D.M.K. government was dismissed in 1991, the best of Tamil lyricists Vairamuthu wrote,
Hey, Anarkali!
After you,
the thing that was
buried alive
in this country
was democracy only.
And Kalaignar’s reaction to this was that the dissolution of the government was a blessing because we could get a splendid poem! In a different context, Vairamuthu could come out with another jewel of a poem.
When it sets in the west
the sun shows only its face,
not its back; victory is certain.
The second grand tribute is by the scholar, A.S. Gnanasambandan on the occasion of the release of Kalaignar’s commentary on Tirukkural:
What Johnson said of Goldsmith is true of only Kalaignar Karunanidhi in Tamilnadu: “Everything he touched became gold; and he left nothing untouched.”