Thursday 12 January 2012

Objection, Milord!


The bard William Shakespeare is now a frequent visitor to Indian court rooms. By paraphrasing Marcellus’ famous line ‘something is wrong in the State of Denmark’ in Shakespeare’s Hamlet, the Supreme Court has shown its extraordinary annoyance about the state of affairs in Allahabad High Court. The Bench, comprising Justices Markandey Katju and Gyan Sudha Mishra, made two inter-connected points to support the contention that “something is rotten in the Allahabad High Court.” One was the number of complaints about the lack of integrity in a section of the judges, something the Bench said the Chief Justice of the High Court must take action on, the other was that some judges have their friends and relatives practicing as lawyers in the court – a state of affairs that, it noted, has resulted in such people becoming ‘multi millionaires’ with ‘huge bank balances, luxurious cars (and) huge houses’. The relevance here is to a pernicious and entrenched phenomenon, which the Law Commission in its 230th report, referred to as “Uncle Judges”. Uncle Judges are the inevitable result of the practice of appointing district judges and those who have practiced lawyers in a High Court as a judge of the same High Court. As the Law Commission observed, “impartiality and justice is the loser” when “judges either settle their scores with advocates who have practiced with them or have a soft corner for them.”
Surprisingly, the phenomenon of Uncle Judges persists despite the Bar Council of India Rules, 1975, which state that advocates should not plead before a court if related to the judge, although the stipulation cannot preclude a proxy being used by advocates by a pre-set arrangement. The Supreme Court's charter of values, adopted in 1997, prohibit judges from permitting close relatives to appear before them. The Judicial Standards and Accountability Bill, which is pending in Parliament, will make it illegal to be an Uncle Judge. Section 3 of the proposed legislation specifically bars a judge from permitting “any member of his immediate family (including spouse, son, daughter, son-in-law or daughter-in-law or any other close relative) who is a member of the bar to appear before him or be associated in any manner with any case to be dealt by the judge.” An important reason behind the mass transfer of 30-odd High Court judges this September and October carried out in the “public interest” by the Supreme Court collegium was that many had kith and kin practicing in the same court. But while transfers can check nepotism, they are hardly an effective way of checking other forms of judicial misconduct - most often, they only shift the problem from one court to another. What is needed is an effective mechanism for dealing with judicial misbehaviour, something that the proposed legislation promises. This is why no time must be lost in passing it.
This is one thing. Another related development, possibly, opens a new chapter in the history of Indian judicial administration: that is, ‘Intra-judicial conflict.’ Constitutional experts say it’s rare for a lower court to take on the Supreme Court in this manner.
Taking a serious view of its strong indictment by the Supreme Court bench, the Allahabad High Court has decided to move the apex court for expunging the critical remarks against it like "something is rotten" out there. Sources said the judges of the Allahabad high court have voiced their anger over the Supreme Court's critical observations against its functioning and for raising questions about its integrity.  The judges allege “contempt of court” and have decided to move an application before the Supreme Court for expunging the critical remarks. Interestingly, the governing council of the Bar Association at its meeting held on Dec 3 said they had nothing to do with the issue. (The Allahabad High Court has since filed a petition in the Supreme Court)
But what is more worrying from a citizen’s point of view is the reported remark of a senior judge of High Court to a newspaper, “There can always be a few examples of wrong doing by judges and lawyers, even in the apex court itself, but a sweeping remark against a state bench is just not justified.” (IE Dec 4). Any law respecting and abiding citizen will have nagging questions such as,
Ø  “Had any other person made such a remark when the Allahabad High Court delivered the particular judgement which had been overruled by the Supreme Court, would not he be convicted for ‘contempt of court’. (for casting aspersion on the judges?) If it is so, does it imply that the citizen has to silently tolerate the pronouncements of a corrupt judge?
Ø  Will not such open indictment of a State High Court (brother) judges by the apex court damage the already corroding image of the entire judiciary and its credibility in the eyes of the public? Could not the same plea to the Chief Justice of the High Court be addressed to confidentially and the rot rectified?
Ø  If the charge of the senior judge of the Allahabad High Court that there were “wrongdoings by judges even in the apex court itself” is true, what is the recourse they have to get it remedied?
The reputation of India's judiciary, considered overbearing and democratically unaccountable by many, took a knock with the publication of a report by Transparency International (TI) called the "Global Corruption Report 2007".
In the order of most corrupt institutions, judiciary is placed third, only after Transport and Police, possibly because the number of people encountering courts are lesser than the other two.
The report, based on a 2005 countrywide survey of "public perceptions and experiences of corruption in the lower judiciary,'' conducted by the Centre for Media Studies, found that a very high 77 percent of respondents believe the Indian judiciary is corrupt.
It said that ‘'bribes seem to be solicited as the price of getting things done''. The estimated amount paid in bribes in a 12-month period it found was around 580 million dollars. ‘'Money was paid to the officials in the following proportions: 61 percent to lawyers; 29 percent to court officials; 5 percent to middlemen."
"This is a wake-up call not just for India's legal system, but for society and the state itself", said Upendra Baxi, a highly regarded Indian jurist, former vice-chancellor of Delhi University, and professor at the University of Warwick in Britain. "It confirms what we have known for years and casts a shadow on the integrity of the judiciary. It also calls for urgent, drastic remedial measures."
"The report only covers the lower or subordinate judiciary and excludes the judges of the High Courts and the Supreme Court. There are credible reports that corruption has permeated the higher judiciary too,'' Baxi told.
In January 2002, S.P. Bharucha, then Supreme Court Chief Justice, said that 20 percent of the higher judiciary might be corrupt. In recent years, several upper court judges have been accused of "irregularities", for instance, in the preferential allotment of valuable land by state governments, and other favours.
The report of the Berlin-based TI should greatly embarrass India's judiciary, which always takes a sanctimonious stand on corruption. However, no case of judicial corruption has ever been put on trial in the country. Under the Indian system, it is virtually impossible to charge or impeach a judge.
"In India, impeachment is not feasible because it requires a huge (two-thirds) majority in Parliament,'' argues Colin Gonsalves, a public interest lawyer with the Human Rights Law Network, “It is impossible to muster the numbers necessary for impeaching a judge. In 1993, V. Ramaswamy, a Supreme Court judge, was found culpable by a court committee. But he was politically well-connected and could not be impeached.
This "freedom" from prosecution and impeachment further compounds the credibility crisis of the judiciary, in particular, the higher judiciary, which in India is a self-appointing entity not answerable to the legislature or executive.
The higher courts of India, shielded from public scrutiny, have increasingly turned conservative. Judicial corruption is attributable to a number of factors, including "delays in the disposal of cases, shortage of judges and complex procedures, all of which are exacerbated by a preponderance of new laws", according to TI.
Says the TI report: "As of February 2006, 33,635 cases were pending in the Supreme Court; ... 33,41,040 cases in the High Courts; and 25,458 cases in the 13,204 subordinate courts. This vast backlog leads to long adjournments and prompts people to pay to speed up the process. In 1999, it was estimated: ‘At the current rate of disposal it would take another 350 years for disposal of the pending cases even if no other cases were added'."
"The judicial system, including judges and lawyers, has developed a vested interest in delays as well as corruption; it promotes a collusive relationship between the different players", said Baxi.
"The tragedy in India", adds Gonsalves, "is that it's hard to put checks on the judiciary even as it runs amok by appropriating executive powers and interfering with legislative procedures even though the Constitution explicitly bars the procedures' judicial scrutiny."
In recent years, the Indian courts have practised "micro-management" of functions which properly belong to the executive, including specifying which fuel should be used in public buses, how cities should be planned and run, whether or not certain books should be censored, and whether street food should be sold. The executive and legislature resent and chafe at this. Indeed, a first-rate conflict is brewing between these arms of the state, and the courts. There is a move to demand judicial accountability through a National Judicial Council Bill, which would allow serious investigation of corruption and other misconduct on the part of judges. However, the Bill remains mired in conflict. The judiciary wants the Council to be manned entirely by judges, to the exclusion of members of the government, and equally important, of civil society. The executive does not.
That corruption is all pervasive in judiciary from bottom to top came into light recently when former Union Law Minister Shanti Bhushan told the Supreme Court that eight out of the 16 former chief justices of India (CJIs) since 1990 were "definitely corrupt". Shanti Bhushan said this in an affidavit filed on Sep. 6, 2010. He said that six out of the 16 CJIs were "definitely honest". About two CJIs "a definite opinion cannot be expressed whether they were honest or corrupt", he said.
The senior counsel gave details of the identity of the "definitely corrupt", "definitely honest" and two other judges in a sealed cover for the perusal of judges hearing a contempt petition against his son and advocate, Prashant Bhushan. Shanti Bhushan has signed the list. The former minister said that since he was saying so publicly he should be made to face contempt of court proceedings and impleaded in the case in which Prashant Bhushan too was facing contempt proceedings.
Prashant Bhushan is facing contempt proceedings for saying that Chief Justice S.H. Kapadia committed a judicial impropriety by being on the forest bench that heard Sterlite Industries matter. He said this in an interview and at that time Chief Justice Kapadia was a senior judge in the apex court.
In his affidavit, Shanti Bhushan said that he should be "suitably punished for this contempt".  The former Law Minister said that he would consider it as an honour to spend some time in jail for making an effort to get the people of India an "honest and clean judiciary".
The senior counsel said that since the question arising in this case affects the judiciary as a whole, the petition "needs to be decided by the entire court and not merely by three judges handpicked by a Chief Justice".  Sixteen CJI in the past that Shanti Bhushan has mentioned in his affidavit are Justice Rangnath Mishra, Justice K.N.Singh, Justice M.H.Kania, Justice L.M.Sharma, Justice M.N.Venkatachalliah, Justice A.M. Ahmadi, Justice J.S. Verma, Justice M.M. Punchhi, Justice A.S. Anand, Justice S.P. Bharucha, Justice B.N.Kirpal, Justice G.B.Pathak, Justice Rajendra Babu, Justice R.C.Lahoti, Justice V.N.Khare and Justice Y.K. Sabharwal.
Shanti Bhushan in his affidavit said that two former CJIs had personally told him that their immediate predecessors and immediate successors were corrupt judges. He said that the names of those four CJIs were included in the list of eight "corrupt" CJIs.
The senior counsel said that there was a time when it was "almost impossible even to think that a judge of a high court or the Supreme Court could be corrupt". Things have changed drastically during the last two to three decades which witnessed corruption growing in the Indian judiciary. So much so that even a sitting Chief Justice of India had to openly admit that 20 percent of judges could be corrupt, Shanti Bhushan said in his affidavit.  Shanti Bhushan in his affidavit referred to Gujarat High Court Chief Justice S.J. Mukhopadhyay's remark that "in our judiciary, anybody can be bought". He said despite Chief Justice Mukhopadhyay's perception, there are a large of number of honest judges in the country. However, he said that honest judges too were becoming the victim of this public perception since no institution was taking steps to deal with corruption in judiciary. (25 eminent personalities for various walks of life have moved the Supreme Court extending support to Bushans)
We have by now got so used to "judicial outbursts" in the Supreme Court that nobody cares to remonstrate. “In no other apex court would one find such persistent tendency of intemperate sweeping and undignified comments by judges. Judgespeak has crossed the bounds of courtesy. It’s time for introspection” says veteran jurist A.G.Noorani. Leaving aside such instances in the last couple of weeks, comment on which may invite ‘sub-judice’ clause, let us examine certain observations apex court judges made sometime back. For four consecutive days in August 2008, the public was treated to a sorry demonstration of the trait. On August 5, Justice B.N. Agrawal said during the hearing in the VIPs' bungalows case, "The whole government machinery is corrupt, whether at the Centre or in the states. They (senior officials) don't apply their mind, rather they don't have a mind to apply. They don't have the guts to differ with the opinion of clerks."
When Justice G.S. Singhvi intervened to say, "God alone will have to help this country," Justice Agrawal added, "Even God will not be able to help this country.... Our country's character has gone." This is not the language of an umpire, but more like that of a political adversary. Earlier, Justice Agrawal had remarked that the squatters should be arrested and given the "third degree". What message does this send to our police?
The next day, August 6, when the two judges sat with Justice V.S. Sirpurkar to hear the Ghaziabad judges scam case, Justice Agrawal freely dilated on the media's sins which bore no relevance to the issues in the case. The limits were crossed on August 7, when Justice Agrawal accused senior counsel and former Law Minister Shanti Bhushan of behaving "like a street urchin" three times. This was not judicial censure, it was sheer abuse!
On August 8, a case concerning cops who refused to register FIRs was heard by Justices Agrawal and Singhvi. The bench said, "In this case you need huntering (sic, flogging presumably) to make you work." One is at a loss to know which of the judges made this shocking remark, because a former CJI, J.S. Verma, forbade the media from reporting observations by individual judges during hearings. This is simply preposterous. Judges speak as a bench in the judgement. Oral observations belong to an individual judge and the public has a right to know who said what.
Critics are shown scant fairness. On February 19, 2008, Chief Justice K.G. Balakrishnan, while hearing petitions for bail in the Godhra case, asked all the lawyers present whether they were in any way connected with Teesta Setalvad. Furious with an article in ‘Mathrubhumi’ daily he asked, "Who is this Teesta Setalvad? Is she a spokesperson of these persons or petitioners? If she is representing these persons (the Godhra accused), we do not want to hear them." He had, of course, no right to bar them thus; still less to censure her without hearing her. Eminent intellectuals and national leaders, including the then Lok Sabha Speaker Somnath Chatterjee were moved to protest.
As a great judge, Lord Macmillan pointed out, "courtesy and patience...are essential if the courts are to enjoy public confidence" or ensure a fair and free trial. The overreaction in the Ghaziabad case is no aberration. On January 5, 2007, the bench comprising Justices Y.K. Sabharwal (then CJI), Pasayat and Kapadia threatened additional solicitor-general Vikas Singh with contempt for "trying to create an impression" that the court was crossing constitutional limits—a perfectly legitimate submission for a lawyer to make.
The court's intolerance has grown apace with its acquisition/usurpation of executive power. Justice Pasayat said on July 14, 2007, "People who do not have their own Lakshman rekha should not dictate to others". Sometimes judges have to overstep the bounds of the judiciary to deliver justice for the common good. But when politicians answer back, the judges are upset and even comment on remarks on the floor of the legislature, as CJI Sabharwal did on July 19, 2006, on a Karnataka MLA's remarks.
The overbearing tendency among apex court judges is found rampant with their off-the-cuff oral remarks against all and sundry, which will not constitute part of the judgement and obiter-dicta (non-binding opinion). But pervert newspapers and TV channels scrambling for headlines and ‘breaking news’, flash them very prominently as if the apex court delivered its judgements coming down heavily on so and so. The judges themselves had a taste of their oral observation given a twist on their ‘pulling up the Prime Minister and later had to pull up the media’. That should have made them more cautious and circumspect but it does not appear so.
We have reached a stage where there is need to define limits by all who are engaged in the administration of justice.

(12-12-10)

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